BJP’s Subaltern Hindutva Strategy Faces Decline in West Bengal Amid TMC’s Welfare Push
News Mania Desk/ Agnibeena Ghosh/22nd June 2024
The term “subaltern Hindutva” describes the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) efforts to integrate marginalized communities such as Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) into their Hindutva framework. Historically perceived as a party of upper castes, the BJP recognized that caste divisions could fracture their Hindu vote bank. Consequently, they made significant efforts to reach out to SCs and STs, achieving notable success.
Despite corruption allegations against Trinamool Congress (TMC) legislators and recent developments in Sandeshkhali, the BJP anticipated increasing its seat count in West Bengal during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. However, their tally decreased from 18 seats in 2019 to 12 in 2024. In 2019, the BJP led in 121 assembly segments, but this number fell to 90 in 2024. Regions with substantial SC and ST populations were no exception to this trend. The BJP lost seats like Cooch Behar, which has the highest Rajbanshi population, and Jhargram, with a significant ST population.
West Bengal was once considered an unpromising territory for the BJP. Before Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rise in national politics, the party had made minimal inroads in the region independently. In the 2014 elections, the BJP secured two Lok Sabha seats in the state with a 17% vote share, gaining support from tribal communities in northern Bengal. They led in tribal-dominated assembly segments like Kalchini, Nagrakata, Madarihat, and Phansidewa.
By 2019, the BJP had become a formidable force in West Bengal politics, winning 18 Lok Sabha constituencies, including seven out of eight seats in North Bengal. With robust support from tea tribes and Rajbanshi communities, they won seats like Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, and Alipurduar. In South Bengal, Matuas emerged as a crucial vote bank, helping the BJP win Ranaghat and Bangaon. They also secured Jhargram and Bishnupur, both with large SC populations, winning five out of ten SC reserved parliamentary constituencies.
This support from SC and ST communities significantly contributed to the BJP’s success in West Bengal, particularly in the northern and western parts of the state. Even in 2021, the BJP retained its stronghold in North Bengal with the backing of Rajbanshi voters and Matuas in Nadia and parts of North 24 Parganas. However, their popularity among tribals began to wane. In Jhargram district, the TMC won all four assembly constituencies. Although the BJP claimed victory in Alipurduar, the margins were narrower.
By 2024, the BJP’s decline among SCs and STs became evident. Of the 79 assembly constituencies reserved for SCs and STs in West Bengal, the BJP’s lead dropped from 42 to 33 seats. Among the 15 ST reserved seats, their lead fell from 12 to six. In constituencies where SCs make up more than 35% of the electorate, the BJP’s vote share decreased from 46.9% in 2019 to 45% in 2024. The decline was more pronounced in ST-dominated seats, where their vote share fell from 50.5% to 45.2%.
The BJP managed to retain support from the Matua, Rajbanshi, and tea tribal belts but lost ground to the TMC among other SC and ST groups such as the Poundras, Bagdis, and Bauris. The TMC’s success is largely attributed to its comprehensive welfare schemes. SCs and STs, often economically marginalized, have benefited significantly from these initiatives. For instance, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme provided monthly financial aid to SC and ST women, which was increased before the election, appealing to these communities.
In contrast, the BJP’s narrative, including the Ram temple campaign, failed to resonate in West Bengal. The focus on local issues over religious concerns indicates that the BJP’s vision of subaltern Hindutva is yet to become a reality in the state.
