How far can “Bura na Mano Holi hai” go ?

A third of all women and girls around the world encounter physical or sexual violence at some point in their lives. Numerous incidents take place in public areas like public transport, festivals, or carnivals—settings where women ought to feel secure and unharmed. This absence of public safety reinforces gender disparities and adversely affects women’s educational options and labor market results (Borker 2021, Jayachandran 2021).

Strongly rooted social norms regarding what is considered appropriate behavior toward women have been recognized as a key contributing factor. Nonetheless, there has been minimal research on the effects of social norms on occurrences of violence against women (VAW) that take place in public spaces, typically carried out by strangers and frequently in the presence of onlookers or bystanders.

During Holi – the festival of colors – the well-known saying ‘Bura na mano Holi hai’ (‘Don’t take offense, it’s Holi’) has turned into a rationale for improper conduct. This short-term reduction in the social repercussions of harassing strangers allows certain offenders (usually men) to behave according to their fundamental views on women. This aligns with media coverage of harassment during Holi that grabs headlines annually.

Utilizing police records on cases reported as First Information Reports (FIRs) from the Bihar police department, Ideas for India investigates if VAW increased during the Holi season. According to Indian Penal Codes, we gather daily statistics on incidents of assaults against women, instances of sexual violence against women (such as sexual harassment, attempts to undress women, voyeurism, and stalking), and a combined measure of violence against women.

The increase in VAW during Holi may be due to the congested streets, which enable sexual harassment and public disruptions. Moreover, restricted police resources, especially for large gatherings and events, could play a role in the increase. Surprisingly, we discover that the majority of festivals do not result in a rise in VAW. Nonetheless, throughout Diwali, there is a notable, yet relatively modest, rise of 10% in our overall measure of VAW. This stands in sharp opposition to the increase of 140% seen during Holi. This implies that the reasons for the increase in VAW during Holi are probably not connected to typical factors seen in major events, such as big crowds or insufficient police presence.

Certain women recounted a more straightforward opposition to the culture of sexual harassment and violence at festivals by confronting unwanted actions, such as speaking out against the behavior or physically protecting themselves. Nonetheless, opposing sexual violence is linked to additional dangers, and multiple women reported that men persisted in harassing them after being turned down, which, in some instances, resulted in an increase in violence and abuse.

The design of festivals in terms of space and culture was recognized as facilitating harassment and sexual assault by the women we spoke with. They described bustling locations as ideal spots for men to grope with low risk of being caught, and when they were recognized, the challenges of reporting made it unlikely for them to be held responsible. Likewise, more secluded locations, especially campsites that frequently provided little lighting and had few staff or security personnel, were perfect spots for men to carry out harassment or abuse with scarce means to obtain immediate assistance or notify staff. In this regard, a woman compared harassment and abuse at festivals to a ‘drive-by’ incident, as offenders could swiftly vanish after committing the act.

In societies dominated by patriarchy, offenses against women frequently remain unreported, particularly in contexts where such actions are seen as normal. Likewise, in patriarchal societies, women may be less inclined to engage in public celebrations like Holi; if this is the case, fewer women at public events could lead to a decrease in potential victims. Both of these factors might account for the reduced VAW in areas where women rationalize VAW.

To comprehend reporting behavior, it can be examined if the interval between the incident date and the reporting date varies during Holi. Consequently, to examine alterations in female mobility during Holi utilising information from the Google Mobility Index, which monitors people’s presence in particular places through mobile phone data it can be indicated that offenses occurring during Holi are reported with greater delays when compared to those on other days, yet there are no notable differences in reporting delays among districts with different attitudes toward VAW. This indicates that underreporting is not the main factor behind the higher VAW in districts where women support wife-beating compared to those that do not.

Is this surge in VAW during festivities a problem only for India? While contexts and data availability vary across countries, making direct comparisons difficult, we argue that events that enable potential perpetrators to misbehave, for instance by lowering the social costs of harassing individuals, can exacerbate VAW.